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From AxisofLogic.com
U.S. Military
Weapons of Self-Destruction -- Is Gulf War syndrome - possibly
caused by Pentagon ammunition - taking its toll on G.I.'s
in Iraq?
By David Rose Apr 19, 2005, 23:59
Editor’s
Note: Following our posting of an article concerning
the debate over the use of what the DoD calls “depleted
uranium,” Axis of Logic has been beset with phone
calls and emails containing, for the most part, ad hominem
and even threatening verbiage. Little has been said addressing
the true issue in this case – the potential lethality
of these weapons to U.S. troops and civilians exposed to
them, and the environmental impacts on the countries in
which they were used. However, according to the United Nations
Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human
Rights, depleted uranium is a weapon of mass destruction,
and its use is a violation of international law. This article,
published in the December, 2004 issue of Vanity Fair, provides
information and insights that transcend the personal attacks
and threats against those who have spoken out against the
use of weaponized uranium, and against the editorial board
of Axis of Logic. We post it in order provide information
and analysis, so that our readers can evaluate this issue
to their own satisfaction, and perhaps, given the sources
cited in it, do their own research into it, drawing their
own, and, we would assume, logical, conclusions. We welcome
any and all opinions derived from such consideration and
research. – Beth Moore, Editor
December, 2004 -- When he started to get
sick, Staff Sergeant Raymond Ramos's first instinct was
to fight. "I had joint pains, muscle aches, chronic
fatigue, but I tried to exercise it out," he says.
"I was going for runs, working out. But I never got
any better. The headaches were getting more frequent and
sometimes lasted all day. I was losing a lot of weight.
My overall physical demeanor was bad."
A 20-year veteran of the New York National Guard, Ramos
had been mobilized for active duty in Iraq in the spring
of 2003. His unit, the 442nd Military Police company, arrived
there on Easter, 10 days before President Bush's mission
accomplished appearance on the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln. A
tall, soft-spoken 40-year-old with four children, the youngest
still an infant, Ramos was proud of his physique. In civilian
life, he was a New York City cop. "I worked on a street
narcotics team. It was very busy, with lots of overtime-very
demanding." Now, rising unsteadily from his armchair
in his thickly carpeted living room in Queens, New York,
Ramos grimaces. "The shape I came back in, I cannot
perform at that level. I've lost 40 pounds. I'm frail."
At first, as his unit patrolled the cities of Najaf and
al-Diwaniyya, Ramos stayed healthy. But in June 2003, as
temperatures climbed above 110 degrees, his unit was moved
to a makeshift base in an abandoned railroad depot in Samawah,
where some fierce tank battles had taken place. "When
we first got there, I was a heat casualty, feeling very
weak," Ramos says. He expected to recover quickly.
Instead, he went rapidly downhill.
By the middle of August, when the 442nd was transferred
to Babylon, Ramos says, the right side of his face and both
of his hands were numb, and he had lost most of the strength
in his grip. His fatigue was worse and his headaches had
become migraines, frequently so severe "that I just
couldn't function." His urine often contained blood,
and even when it didn't he would feel a painful burning
sensation, which "wouldn't subside when I finished."
His upper body was covered by a rash that would open and
weep when he scratched it. As he tells me this, he lifts
his shirt to reveal a mass of pale, circular scars. He was
also having respiratory difficulties. Later, he would develop
sleep apnea, a dangerous condition in which he would stop
breathing during sleep.
Eventually, Ramos was medevaced to a military hospital in
Landstuhl, Germany. Doctors there were baffled and sent
him on to the Walter Reed Army Medical Center, on the outskirts
of Washington, D.C. There, Ramos says, one neurologist suggested
that his condition could have been caused by some long-forgotten
head injury or might just be "signs of aging."
At the end of September 2003, the staff at Walter Reed ordered
him to report to Fort Dix, New Jersey, where, he says, a
captain went through his record and told him, "I was
clear to go back to Iraq. I got the impression they thought
I was faking it." He was ordered to participate in
a long-distance run. Halfway through, he collapsed. Finally,
on July 31, 2004, after months of further examinations,
Ramos was discharged with a medical disability and sent
home.
Symptoms such as Ramos's had been seen before. In veterans
of Operation Desert Storm, they came to be called Gulf War
syndrome; among those posted to Bosnia and Kosovo in the
1990s, Balkans syndrome. He was not the only member of the
442nd to suffer them. Others had similar urinary problems,
joint pains, fatigue, headaches, rashes, and sleep apnea.
Today, some scientists believe that all these problems,
together with others found in war-zone civilians, can be
traced to the widespread use of a uniquely deadly form of
ammunition.
In the ongoing Iraq conflict, just as in the Gulf War of
1991 and in the Balkans, American and British forces have
fired tens of thousands of shells and cannon rounds made
of a toxic and radioactive material called depleted uranium,
or D.U. Because D.U. is dense-approximately 1.7 times as
dense as lead-and ignites upon impact, at a temperature
of about 5,400 degrees, it can penetrate armor more effectively
than any other material.
It's also remarkably cheap. The arms industry gets its D.U.
for free from nuclear-fuel processors, which generate large
quantities of it as a by-product of enriching uranium for
reactor fuel. Such processors would otherwise have to dispose
of it in protected, regulated sites. D.U. is "depleted"
only in the sense that most of its fissile U-235 isotope
has been removed. What's left-mainly U-238-is still radioactive.
Three of the main weapons systems still being used in Iraq-the
M-1 Abrams tank, the Bradley Fighting Vehicle, and the A-10
Warthog attack jet-use D.U. ammunition. A 120-mm. tank round
contains about nine pounds of solid D.U. When a D.U. "penetrator"
strikes its target, up to 70 percent of the shell's mass
is flung into the air in a shower of uranium-oxide fragments
and dust, some in the form of aerosolized particles less
than a millionth of a meter in diameter. When inhaled, such
particles lodge in the lungs and bathe the surrounding tissue
with alpha radiation, known to be highly dangerous internally,
and smaller amounts of beta and gamma radiation.
Even before Desert Storm, the Pentagon knew that D.U. was
potentially hazardous. Before last year's Iraq invasion,
it issued strict regulations designed to protect civilians,
troops, and the environment after the use of D.U. But the
Pentagon insists that there is little chance that these
veterans' illnesses are caused by D.U.
The U.S. suffered only 167 fatal combat casualties in the
first Gulf War. Since then, veterans have claimed pensions
and health-care benefits at a record rate. The Veterans
Administration reported this year that it was paying service-related
disability pensions to 181,996 Gulf War veterans-almost
a third of the total still living. Of these, 3,248 were
being compensated for "undiagnosed illnesses."
The Pentagon's spokesman, Dr. Michael Kilpatrick, deputy
director of its Deployment Health section, says that Gulf
War veterans are no less healthy than soldiers who were
stationed elsewhere.
Those returning from Operation Iraqi Freedom are also beginning
to report illnesses in significant numbers. In July 2004,
the V.A. disclosed that 27,571 of them-16.4 percent of the
total-had sought health care. Of that group, 8,134 suffered
muscular and skeletal ailments; 3,505 had respiratory problems;
and 5,674 had "symptoms, signs and ill-defined conditions."
An additional 153 had developed cancers. The V.A. claims
that such figures are "typical of young, active, healthcare-seeking
populations," but does not offer figures for comparison.
There is also evidence of a large rise in birth defects
and unprecedented cancer rates among civilians following
the first Gulf War in the Basra region of southern Iraq,
where the heaviest fighting took place. Dr. Kilpatrick says,
"I think it's very important to try to understand what
are the causes of that high rate of cancer and birth defects.
There has to be a good look at that, but if you go to the
M. D. Anderson hospital, in Houston, Texas, you're going
to find a very high rate of cancer. That's because people
from all over the country with cancer go there, because
it's one of the premier care centers. Basra was the only
major hospital in southern Iraq. Are the people there with
these different problems people who lived their entire lives
in Basra, or are they people who've come to Basra for care?"
It is possible, he says, that some other environmental factor
is responsible for the illnesses, such as Saddam's chemical
weapons or poor nutrition. "I don't think anything
should be taken off the table."
In October 2004, an early draft of a study by the Research
Advisory Committee on Gulf War Veterans' Illnesses, a scientific
panel run by the V.A., was leaked to The New York Times.
According to the Times, the panel had concluded that there
was a "probable link" between veterans' illnesses
and exposure to neurotoxins, including a drug given to troops
in 1991 to protect them from nerve gas, and nerve gas itself,
which was released when U.S.-led forces destroyed an Iraqi
arms depot. Asked why there was no mention of D.U. in the
report, Dr. Lea Steele, the panel's scientific director,
says that her group plans to address it in a later report:
"We've only just begun work on this topic. We are certainly
not ruling it out."
D.U.'s critics, meanwhile, say it's entirely possible that
both neurotoxins and D.U. are responsible for the widespread
sickness among veterans.
Members of the 442nd have vivid memories of being exposed
to D.U. Sergeant Hector Vega, a youthful-looking 48-year-old
who in civilian life works in a building opposite Manhattan's
Guggenheim Museum, says he now struggles with chest pains,
heart palpitations, headaches, urinary problems, body tremors,
and breathlessness-none of which he'd ever experienced before
going to Iraq. He recalls the unit's base there: "There
were burnt-out Iraqi tanks on flatbed trucks 100 yards from
where we slept. It looked like our barracks had also been
hit, with black soot on the walls. It was open to the elements,
and dust was coming in all the time. When the wind blew,
we were eating it, breathing it. It was everywhere."
(The Department of Defense, or D.O.D., says that a team
of specialists is conducting an occupational and environmental
health survey in the area.)
Dr. Asaf Durakovic, 64, is a retired U.S. Army colonel and
the former head of nuclear medicine at a veterans' hospital
in Wilmington, Delaware. Dr. Durakovic reports finding D.U.
in the urine of 18 out of 30 Desert Storm veterans, sometimes
up to a decade after they were exposed, and in his view
D.U. fragments are both a significant cause of Gulf War
syndrome and a hazard to civilians for an indefinite period
of time. He says that when he began to voice these fears
inside the military he was first warned, then fired: he
now operates from Toronto, Canada, at the independent Uranium
Medical Research Centre.
In December 2003, Dr. Durakovic analyzed the urine of nine
members of the 442nd. With funds supplied by the New York
Daily News, which first published the results, Durakovic
sent the samples to a laboratory in Germany that has some
of the world's most advanced mass-spectrometry equipment.
He concluded that Ramos, Vega, Sergeant Agustin Matos, and
Corporal Anthony Yonnone were "internally contaminated
by depleted uranium (D.U.) as a result of exposure through
[the] respiratory pathway."
The Pentagon contests these findings. Dr. Kilpatrick says
that, when the D.O.D. conducted its own tests, "our
results [did] not mirror the results of Dr. Durakovic."
"Background" sources, such as water, soil, and
therefore food, frequently contain some uranium. The Pentagon
insists that the 442nd soldiers' urinary uranium is "within
normal dietary ranges," and that "it was not possible
to distinguish D.U. from the background levels of natural
uranium." The Pentagon says it has tested about 1,000
vets from the current conflict and found D.U. contamination
in only five. Its critics insist this is because its equipment
is too insensitive and its testing methods are hopelessly
flawed.
At a briefing before the Iraq invasion in March 2003, Dr.
Kilpatrick tried to reassure reporters about D.U. by citing
the cases of about 20 Desert Storm vets who had D.U. shrapnel
in their bodies. "We have not seen any untoward medical
consequences in these individuals," he said. "There
has been no cancer of bone or lungs, where you would expect
them." It appears that he misspoke on that occasion:
one of these veterans had already had an arm amputated for
an osteosarcoma, or bone tumor, at the site where the shrapnel
entered. Dr. Kilpatrick confirms that the veteran was treated
by the V.A. in Baltimore, but says his condition may not
have been linked with the shrapnel: "Osteosarcomas
are fairly common." Studies have shown that D.U. can
begin to move through the body and concentrate in the lymph
nodes, and another of the vets with shrapnel has a form
of lymphatic cancer. But this, Dr. Kilpatrick says, has
"no known cause." He concedes that research has
not proved the negative, that D.U. doesn't cause cancer.
But, he says, "science doesn't in 2004 show that D.U.
causes any cancer."
It does, however, show that it may. Pentagon-sponsored studies
at the Armed Forces Radiobiology Research Institute, in
Bethesda, Maryland, have found that, when D.U. was embedded
in animals, several genes associated with human tumors underwent
"aberrant activation," and oncoproteins of the
type found in cancer patients turned up in their blood.
The animals' urine was "mutagenic," meaning that
it could cause cells to mutate. Another institute project
found that D.U. could damage the immune system by hastening
the death of white blood cells and impairing their ability
to attack bacteria.
In June 2004 the U.S. General Accounting Office (G.A.O.)
issued a report to Congress that was highly critical of
government research into Gulf War syndrome and veterans'
cancer rates. The report said that the studies on which
federal agencies were basing their claim that Gulf War veterans
were no sicker than the veterans of other wars "may
not be reliable" and had "inherent limitations,"
with big data gaps and methodological flaws. Because cancers
can take years to develop, the G.A.O. stated, "it may
be too early" to draw any conclusions. Dr. Kilpatrick
dismisses this report, saying it was "just the opinion
of a group of individuals."
Yet another Pentagon-funded study suggested that D.U. might
have effects on unborn children. After finding that pregnant
rats transmitted D.U. to their offspring through the placenta,
the study concluded: "Fetal exposure to uranium during
critical prenatal development may adversely impact the future
behavioral and neurological development of offspring."
In September 2004, the New York Daily News reported that
Gerard Darren Matthew, who had served in Iraq with the 719th
Transportation Company, which is based in Harlem, had tested
positive for D.U. after suffering migraines, fatigue, and
a burning sensation when urinating. Following his return,
his wife became pregnant, and their daughter, Victoria Claudette,
was born missing three fingers.
Ultimately, critics say, the Pentagon underestimates the
dangers of D.U. because it measures them in the wrong way:
by calculating the average amount of D.U. radiation produced
throughout the body. When we meet, Dr. Kilpatrick gives
me a report the Department of Defense issued in 2000. It
concludes that even vets with the highest exposures from
embedded shrapnel could expect over 50 years to receive
a dose of just five rem, "which is the annual limit
for [nuclear industry] workers." The dose for those
who inhaled dust from burned-out tanks would be "far
below the annual guideline (0.1 rem) for members of the
public."
But to measure the effect of D.U. as a whole-body radiation
dose is meaningless, Asaf Durakovic says, because the dose
from D.U. is intensely concentrated in the cells around
a mote of dust. The alpha particles D.U. emits-high-energy
clumps of protons and neutrons-are harmless outside the
body, because they cannot pass through skin. Inside tissue,
however, they wreak a havoc analogous to that of a penetrating
shell against an enemy tank, bombarding cell nuclei, breaking
chains of DNA, damaging fragile genes. Marcelo Valdes, a
physicist and computer scientist who is president of Dr.
Durakovic's research institute, says the cells around a
D.U. particle 2.5 microns in diameter will receive a maximum
annual radiation dose of 16 rads. If every pocket of tissue
in the body were to absorb that amount of radiation, the
total level would reach seven trillion rads-millions of
times the lethal dosage.
In the potentially thousands of hot spots inside the lungs
of a person exposed to D.U. dust, the same cells will be
irradiated again and again, until their ability to repair
themselves is lost. In 1991, Durakovic found D.U. in the
urine of 14 veterans who had returned from the Gulf with
headaches, muscle and skeletal pain, fatigue, trembling,
and kidney problems. "Immediately I understood from
their symptoms and their histories that they could have
been exposed to radiation," he says. Within three years,
two were dead from lung cancer: "One was 33, the other
42. Both were nonsmokers, in previously excellent health."
D.U., he says, steadily migrates to the bones. There it
irradiates the marrow, where stem cells, the progenitors
of all the other cells the body manufactures in order to
renew itself, are produced. "Stem cells are very vulnerable,"
Durakovic says. "Bombarded with alpha particles, their
DNA will fall apart, potentially affecting every organ.
If malfunctioning stem cells become new liver cells, then
the liver will malfunction. If stem cells are damaged, they
may form defective tissue."
If D.U. is as dangerous as its critics allege, it can kill
even without causing cancer. At her home in Yarmouth, Nova
Scotia, Susan Riordon recalls the return of her husband,
Terry, from the Gulf in 1991. Terry, a security captain,
served in intelligence during the war: his service record
refers to his setting up a "safe haven" in the
Iraqi "theatre." Possibly, Susan speculates, this
led him behind enemy lines and exposed him to D.U. during
the long aerial bombing campaign that preceded the 1991
invasion. In any event, "when he came home, he didn't
really come home," she says.
At first, Terry merely had the usual headaches, body pain,
oozing rash, and other symptoms. But later he began to suffer
from another symptom which afflicts some of those exposed
to D.U.: burning semen. "If he leaked a little lubrication
from his penis, it would feel like sunburn on your skin.
If you got to the point where you did have intercourse,
you were up and out of that bed so fast-it actually causes
vaginal blisters that burst and bleed." Terry's medical
records support her description. In England, Malcolm Hooper,
professor emeritus of medicinal chemistry at the University
of Sunderland, is aware of 4,000 such cases. He hypothesizes
that the presence of D.U. may be associated with the transformation
of semen into a caustic alkali.
"It hurt [Terry] too. He said it was like forcing it
through barbed wire," Riordon says. "It seemed
to burn through condoms; if he got any on his thighs or
his testicles, he was in hell." In a last, desperate
attempt to save their sex life, says Riordon, "I used
to fill condoms with frozen peas and insert them [after
sex] with a lubricant." That, she says, made her pain
just about bearable. Perhaps inevitably, he became impotent.
"And that was like our last little intimacy gone."
By late 1995, Terry was seriously deteriorating. Susan shows
me her journal-she titled it "The Twilight Zone"-and
his medical record. It makes harrowing reading. He lost
his fine motor control to the point where he could not button
his shirt or zip his fly. While walking, he would fall without
warning. At night, he shook so violently that the bed would
move across the floor. He became unpredictably violent:
one terrible day in 1997 he attacked their 16-year-old son
and started choking him. By the time armed police arrived
to pull him off, the boy's bottom lip had turned blue. After
such rages, he would fall into a deep sleep for as long
as 24 hours, and awake with no memory of what had happened.
That year, Terry and Susan stopped sleeping in the same
bedroom. Then "he began to barricade himself in his
room for days, surviving on granola bars and cartons of
juice."
As he went downhill, Terry was assessed as completely disabled,
but there was no diagnosis as to why. His records contain
references to "somatization disorder," post-traumatic
stress, and depression. In 1995 the army doctors even suggested
that he had become ill only after reading of Gulf War syndrome.
Through 1998 and 1999, he began to lose all cognitive functions
and was sometimes lucid for just a few hours each week.
Even after he died, on April 29, 1999, Terry's Canadian
doctors remained unable to explain his illness. "This
patient has a history [of] 'Gulf War Syndrome' with multiple
motor, sensory and emotional problems," the autopsy
report by pathologist Dr. B. Jollymore, of Yarmouth, begins.
"During extensive investigation, no definitive diagnosis
has been determined.... Essentially it appears that this
gentleman remains an enigma in death as he was in life."
Not long before Terry's death, Susan Riordon had learned
of Asaf Durakovic, and of the possibility that her husband
absorbed D.U. His urine-test results-showing a high D.U.
concentration eight years after he was presumably exposed-came
through on Monday, April 26: "Tuesday he was reasonably
cognitive, and was able to tell me that he wanted his body
and organs to go to Dr. Durakovic," she remembers.
"He knew it was too late to help him, but he made me
promise that his body could help the international community.
On the Wednesday, I completed the purchase of this house.
On Thursday, he was dead.
"It was a very strange death. He was very peaceful.
I've always felt that Asaf allowed Terry to go: knowing
he was D.U.-positive meant he wasn't crazy anymore. Those
last days he was calm. He wasn't putting the phone in the
microwave; he had no more mood swings."
After Riordon's death, Dr. Durakovic and his colleagues
found accumulations of D.U. in his bones and lungs.
Dr. Durakovic suspects the military of minimizing the health
and environmental consequences of D.U. weapons, and suggests
two reasons it may have for doing so: "to keep them
off the list of war criminals, and to avoid paying compensation
which could run into billions of dollars." To this
might be added a third: depleted uranium, because of its
unique armor-penetrating capabilities, has become a defining
feature of American warfare, one whose loss would be intolerable
to military planners.
In 1991, the U.S. used D.U. weapons to kill thousands of
Iraqis in tanks and armored vehicles on the "highway
of death" from Kuwait to Basra. The one-sided victory
ushered in a new era of "lethality overmatch"-the
ability to strike an enemy with virtual impunity. A Pentagon
pamphlet from 2003 states that a central objective of the
American military is to "generate dominant lethality
overmatch across the full spectrum of operations,"
and no weapon is better suited to achieving that goal than
D.U.
The value of depleted uranium was spelled out more simply
in a Pentagon briefing by Colonel James Naughton of the
army's Materiel Command in March 2003, just before the Iraq
invasion: "What we want to be able to do is strike
the target from farther away than we can be hit back....
We don't want to fight even. Nobody goes into a war and
wants to be even with the enemy. We want to be ahead, and
D.U. gives us that advantage."
If the Pentagon is right about the risks of D.U., such statements
should not be controversial. If it is wrong, says retired
army colonel Dr. Andras Korenyi-Both, who headed one of
the main field hospitals during Desert Storm and later conducted
some of the first research into Gulf War syndrome, the position
is less clear-cut. "You'd have to deal with the question
of whether it's better not to use D.U. and have more of
your soldiers die in battle or to use D.U. and lose very
few in the field-but have them get sick and die when they
get home."
One desert morning in the early spring of 1991, while sitting
in his office at the Eskan Village military compound near
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Lieutenant Doug Rokke was shown a
memorandum. Rokke, a health physicist and training specialist,
was a reservist and had recently been ordered to join the
Third U.S. Army's depleted-uranium-assessment team, assigned
to clean up and move American vehicles hit by friendly fire
during Operation Desert Storm. The memo, dated March 1,
came from a senior military officer at the Los Alamos National
Laboratory, in New Mexico.
During the Gulf War, it said, "D.U. penetrators were
very effective against Iraqi armor." However, "there
has been and continues to be a concern regarding the impact
of D.U. on the environment. Therefore, if no one makes a
case for the effectiveness of D.U. on the battlefield, D.U.
rounds may become politically unacceptable and thus, be
deleted from the arsenal.... I believe we should keep this
sensitive issue at mind when after-action reports are written."
Rokke says: "I interpreted the memo to mean: we want
this stuff-don't write anything that might make it difficult
for us to use it again."
Rokke's assignment was dangerous and unpleasant. The vehicles
were coated with uranium-oxide soot, and dust lay in the
sand outside. He wore a mask, but it didn't help. "We
could taste it and smell it," he says of the D.U. "It
tasted very strong-and unmistakable." Years later,
he says, he was found to be excreting uranium at 5,000 times
the normal level. Now 55, he pants during ordinary conversation
and says he still gets a rash like the one Raymond Ramos
of the 442nd suffers from. In addition, Rokke has joint
pains, muscle aches, and cataracts.
In 1994, Rokke became director of a Pentagon project designed
to learn more about D.U. contamination and to develop training
that would minimize its risks. "I'm a warrior, and
warriors want to fulfill their mission," Rokke says.
"I went into this wanting to make it work, to work
out how to use D.U. safely, and to show other soldiers how
to do so and how to clean it up. This was not science out
of a book, but science done by blowing the shit out of tanks
and seeing what happens. And as we did this work, slowly
it dawned on me that we were screwed. You can't do this
safely in combat conditions. You can't decontaminate the
environment or your own troops."
Rokke and his colleagues conducted a series of experiments
at the U.S. Department of Energy's Nevada nuclear-test site.
They set fire to a Bradley loaded with D.U. rounds and fired
D.U. shells at old Soviet tanks. At his remote, ramshackle
farmhouse amid the rural flatlands of central Illinois,
Rokke shows me videos of his tests. Most spectacular are
those shot at night, which depict the fiery streak of the
D.U. round, already burning before impact, followed by the
red cascade of the debris cloud. "Everything we hit
we destroyed," he says. "I tell you, these things
are just ... fantastic."
The papers Rokke wrote describing his findings are more
sobering. He recorded levels of contamination that were
15 times the army's permissible levels in tanks hit by D.U.,
and up to 4.5 times such levels in clothing exposed to D.U.
The good news was that it was possible, using a special
Department of Energy vacuum cleaner designed for sucking
up radioactive waste, to reduce contamination from vehicles
and equipment to near official limits, and to "mask"
the intense radiation around holes left by D.U. projectiles
by sealing them with layers of foam caulking, paint, or
cardboard. (Such work, Rokke wrote, would naturally have
to be carried out by teams in full radiological-protection
suits and respirators.)
When it came to clothes, however, D.U. particles "became
imbedded in the clothing and could not be removed with brushing
or other abrasive methods." Rokke found that even after
he tried to decontaminate them the clothes were still registering
between two and three times the limit. "This may pose
a significant logistics impact," Rokke wrote, with
some understatement.
The elaborate procedures required to decontaminate equipment,
meanwhile, would be almost impossible to implement in combat.
"On a real battlefield, it's not like there's any control,"
Rokke says. "It's chaos. Maybe it's night. Who's going
to come along and isolate contaminated enemy tanks? You've
got a pile of rubble and mess and you're still coming under
fire. The idea that you're going to come out in radiological
suits and vacuum up a building or a smashed T-72 [tank]-it's
ridiculous."
Large amounts of black D.U.-oxide dust were readily visible
within 50 meters of a tank hit by penetrators and within
100 meters of the D.U.-packed Bradley that was set on fire.
But less obvious amounts were easily detected at much greater
distances. Worse, such dust could be "re-suspended"
in the atmosphere "upon contact, if wind blew, or during
movement." For American troops, that meant that "respiratory
and skin protection is warranted during all phases of recovery."
For civilians, even ones at considerable distances, it meant
they might be exposed to windblown D.U. far into the future.
After Rokke completed the project, he was appointed head
of the lab at Fort McClellan where it had been based. He
resigned the staff physicist post he'd held for 19 years
at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and moved
south with his family. Early in 1996, after he began to
voice the conclusions he was drawing about the future viability
of D.U. weapons, he was fired. "Then I remembered the
Los Alamos memo," he says. "They'd wanted 'proponency'
for D.U. weapons, and I was giving them the opposite."
I ask Dr. Kilpatrick, the D.O.D. spokesman on D.U., about
Rokke's test firings. His reply: "One, he never did
that. He was in Nevada as an observer. He was not part of
that program at all. At that time he was working in education
at an army school, and his assignment was to develop educational
materials for troops." Rokke, he says, may have spent
a few days observing the tests but did not organize them.
Documents from Rokke's service record tell a different story.
His appraisal from December 1, 1995, written by Dr. Ed Battle,
then chief of the radiation laboratories at Fort McClellan,
describes Rokke's mission as follows: to "plan, coordinate,
supervise and implement the U.S. Army ... depleted uranium
training development project." He continued: "Captain
Rokke has repeatedly demonstrated the ability to function
well above his current rank and is as effective as any I
have known." He had directly participated in "extremely
crucial tests at the Nevada Atomic Test Site," and
his achievements had been "absolutely phenomenal."
Rokke was awarded two medals for his work. The citation
for one commended him for "meritorious service while
assigned as the depleted uranium project leader. Your outstanding
achievements have prepared our soldiers for hazards and
will have a vast payoff in the health, safety, and protection
of all soldiers."
Rokke's work in Nevada helped persuade the military that
D.U. weapons had to be dealt with carefully. On September
16, 2002, General Eric Shinseki, the U.S. Army chief of
staff, signed Army Regulation 700-48, which sets forth strict
rules for handling items, including destroyed or disabled
enemy targets, that have been hit and contaminated by D.U.
"During peacetime or as soon as operational risk permits,"
it states, local commanders must "identify, segregate,
isolate, secure, and label all RCE [radiologically contaminated
equipment]. Procedures to minimize the spread of radioactivity
will be implemented as soon as possible." Under pre-existing
regulations, damaged vehicles should be moved to a collection
point or maintenance facility, and "covered and wrapped
with canvas or plastic tarp to prevent spread of contaminants,"
with loose items placed in double plastic bags. Soldiers
who carry out such tasks should wear protective equipment.
The burned-out tanks behind the 442nd's barracks in Samawah
may not have been the only D.U.-contaminated pieces of equipment
to be left where they lay. In the fall of 2003, Tedd Weyman,
a colleague of Dr. Durakovic's, spent 16 days in Iraq, taking
samples and observing the response of coalition forces to
General Shinseki's directive. "When tanks shot up by
D.U. munitions were removed, I saw no precautions being
taken at all," he says. "Ordinary soldiers with
no protection just came along and used chains to load them
onto flatbeds, towing them away just as they might your
car if it broke down on the highway. They took them to bases
with British and American troops and left them in the open."
Time after time, Weyman recorded high levels of contamination-so
high that on his return to Canada he was found to have 4.5
times the normal level of uranium in his own urine.
A Pentagon memo, signed on May 30, 2003, by Dr. William
Winkenwerder, an assistant defense secretary, says that
any American personnel "who were in, on, or near combat
vehicles at the time they were struck by D.U. rounds,"
or who entered such vehicles or fought fires involving D.U.
munitions, should be assessed for possible exposure and
receive appropriate health care. This category could be
said to include any soldier who fought in, or cleaned up
after, battles with Iraqi armor.
Still, the Pentagon insists that the risks remain acceptably
small. "There isn't any recognized disease from exposure
to natural or depleted uranium," Dr. Kilpatrick says.
He tells me that America will mount a thorough cleanup in
Iraq, disposing of any D.U. fragments and burying damaged
vehicles in unpopulated locations, but that, for the time
being, such an operation is impossible. "We really
can't begin any environmental assessment or cleanup while
there's ongoing combat." Nevertheless, he says, there's
no cause for concern. "I think we can be very confident
that what is in the environment does not create a hazard
for those living in the environment and working in it."
As this article was going to press, the Pentagon published
the findings of a new study that, according to Dr. Kilpatrick,
shows D.U. to be a "lethal but safe weapons system."
In his Pentagon briefing in March 2003, Dr. Kilpatrick said
that even if D.U. weapons did generate toxic dust, it would
not spread. "It falls to the ground very quickly-usually
within about a 50-meter range," he said. "It's
heavy. It's 1.7 times as heavy as lead. So even if it's
a small dust particle ... it stays on the ground."
Evidence that this is not the case comes from somewhere
much closer than Iraq-an abandoned D.U.-weapons factory
in Colonie, New York, a few miles from Albany, the state
capital.
In 1958, a corporation called National Lead began making
depleted-uranium products at a plant on Central Avenue,
surrounded by houses and an Amtrak line. In 1979, just as
the plant was increasing its production of D.U. ammunition
to meet a new Pentagon contract, a whistle-blower from inside
the plant told the county health department that N.L. was
releasing large amounts of D.U. oxide into the environment.
Over the next two years, he and other workers testified
before both the New York State Assembly and a local residents'
campaign group. They painted a picture of reckless neglect.
D.U. chips and shavings were simply incinerated, and the
resulting oxide dust passed into the atmosphere through
the chimneys. "I used to do a lot of burning,"
William Luther told the governor's task force in 1982. "They
told me to do it at night so the black smoke wouldn't be
seen." Later, many of the workers were found to have
inhaled huge doses into their lungs, and some developed
cancers and other illnesses at relatively young ages.
In January 1980 the state forced N.L. to agree to limit
its radioactive emissions to 500 microcuries per year. The
following month, the state shut the plant down. In January
alone, the D.U.-chip burner had released 2,000 microcuries.
An official environmental survey produced horrifying results.
Soil in the gardens of homes near the plant was emitting
radiation at up to 300 times the normal background level
for upstate New York. Inside the 11-acre factory site, readings
were up to five times higher.
The federal government has been spending tax dollars to
clean up the Colonie site for the past 19 years, under a
program called fusrap-the Formerly Utilized Sites Remedial
Action Program. Today, all that is left of the Colonie plant
are enormous piles of earth, constantly moistened with hoses
and secured by giant tarpaulins to prevent dispersal, and
a few deep pits. In its autumn 2004 bulletin to residents,
the fusrap team disclosed that it had so far removed 125,242
tons of contaminated soil from the area, all of which have
been buried at radioactive-waste sites in Utah and Idaho.
In some places, the excavations are more than 10 feet deep.
fusrap had also discovered contamination in the neighboring
Patroon Creek, where children used to play, and in the reservoir
it feeds, and had treated 23.5 million gallons of contaminated
water. The cost so far has been about $155 million, and
the earliest forecast for the work's completion is 2008.
Years before fusrap began to dig, there were data to suggest
that D.U. particles-and those emitted at Colonie are approximately
the same size as those produced by weapons-can travel much
farther than 50 meters. In 1979, nuclear physicist Len Dietz
was working at a lab operated by General Electric in Schenectady,
10 miles west of Colonie. "We had air filters all around
our perimeter fence," he recalls. "One day our
radiological manager told me we had a problem: one of the
filters was showing abnormally high alpha radiation. Much
to our surprise, we found D.U. in it. There could only be
one source: the N.L. plant." Dietz had other filters
checked both in Schenectady and at other G.E. sites. The
three that were farthest away were in West Milton, 26 miles
northwest, and upwind, of Colonie. All the filters contained
pure Colonie D.U. "Effectively," says Dietz, "the
particles' range is unlimited."
In August 2003, the federal Agency for Toxic Substances
and Disease Registry published a short report on Colonie.
On the one hand, it declared that the pollution produced
when the plant was operating could have increased the risks
of kidney disease and lung cancer. Because the source of
the danger had shut down, however, there was now "no
apparent public health hazard." Thus there was no need
to conduct a full epidemiological study of those who had
lived near and worked at the factory-the one way to produce
hard scientific data on what the health consequences of
measurable D.U. contamination actually are.
The people of Colonie have been trying to collect health
data of their own. Sharon Herr, 45, lived near the plant
for nine years. She used to work 60 hours a week at two
jobs-as a clerk in the state government and as a real-estate
agent. Now she too is sick, and suffers symptoms which sound
like a textbook case of Gulf War syndrome: "Fourteen
years ago, I lost my grip to the point where I can't turn
keys. I'm stiff, with bad joint and muscle pain, which has
got progressively worse. I can't go upstairs without getting
out of breath. I get fatigue so intense there are days I
just can't do much. And I fall down-I'll be out walking
and suddenly I fall." Together with her friend Anne
Rabe, 49, a campaigner against N.L. since the 1980s, she
has sent questionnaires to as many of the people who lived
on the streets close to the plant as possible. So far, they
have almost 400 replies.
Among those who responded were people with rare cancers
or cancers that appeared at an unusually young age, and
families whose children had birth defects. There were 17
cases of kidney problems, 15 of lung cancer, and 11 of leukemia.
There were also five thyroid cancers and 16 examples of
other thyroid problems-all conditions associated with radiation.
Other people described symptoms similar to Herr's. Altogether,
174 of those in the sample had been diagnosed with one kind
of cancer or another. American women have about a 33 percent
chance of getting cancer in their lifetimes, mostly after
the age of 60. (For men, it's nearly 50 percent.) Some of
the Colonie cancer victims are two decades younger. "We
have what look like possible suspicious clusters,"
says Rabe. "A health study here is a perfect opportunity
to see how harmful this stuff really is."
On June 14, 2004, the army's Physical Evaluation Board,
the body that decides whether a soldier should get sickness
pay, convened to evaluate the case of Raymond Ramos of the
442nd Military Police company. It followed the Pentagon's
approach, not Dr. Durakovic's. The board examined his Walter
Reed medical-file summary, which describes his symptoms
in detail, suggests that they may have been caused by serving
in Iraq, and accepts that "achieving a cure is not
a realistic treatment objective." But the summary mentions
no physical reason for them at all, let alone depleted uranium.
Like many veterans of the first Gulf War, Ramos was told
by the board that his disability had been caused primarily
by post-traumatic stress. It did not derive "from injury
or disease received in the line of duty as a direct result
of armed conflict." Instead, his record says, he got
"scared in the midst of a riot" and was "emotionally
upset by reports of battle casualties." Although he
was too sick to go back to work as a narcotics cop, he would
get a disability benefit fixed at $1,197 a month, just 30
percent of his basic military pay.
On the day we meet, in September 2004, his symptoms are
hardly alleviated. "I'm in lots of pain in my joints.
I'm constantly fatigued-I can fall asleep at the drop of
a dime. My wife tells me things and I just forget. It's
not fair to my family."
For the time being, the case against D.U. appears to remain
unproved. But if Asaf Durakovic, Doug Rokke, and their many
allies around the world are right, and the Pentagon wrong,
the costs-human, legal, and financial-will be incalculable.
They may also be widespread. In October, the regional health
authority of Sardinia, Italy, began hearings to investigate
illnesses suffered by people who live near a U.S. firing
range there that tests D.U. weapons.
In 2002 the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion
and Protection of Human Rights declared that depleted uranium
was a weapon of mass destruction, and its use a breach of
international law. But the difference between D.U. and the
W.M.D. that formed the rationale for the Iraqi invasion
is that depleted uranium may have a boomerang effect, afflicting
the soldiers of the army that fires it as well as the enemy
victims of "lethality overmatch."
The four members of the 442nd who tested positive all say
they have met soldiers from other units during their medical
treatment who complain of similar ailments, and fear that
they too may have been exposed. "It's bad enough being
sent out there knowing you could be killed in combat,"
Raymond Ramos says. "But people are at risk of bringing
something back that might kill them slowly. That's not right."
David Rose is a Vanity Fair contributing editor. His book
Guantánamo: The War on Human Rights, is an in-depth
investigation of the atrocities taking place at the Cuban
prison.
http://www.vanityfair.com/commentary/content/articles/041115roco04